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(1) The estimated population of foreign workers, including illegal workers, totaled 260,000 in 1990, with the number increasing to 760,000 in 2002. Many of those foreign workers have begun settling in Japan.
(2) The “9th Basic Plan for Employment Policy” (a 1999 Cabinet decision), which articulated the Japanese government’s basic position on the acceptance of foreign workers at the time, called for the active acceptance of foreign workers with professional and technical capabilities. However, this number reached only 180,000 in 2002, a much smaller number than the total of 760,000 foreign workers that year, showing that the attraction of highly-skilled workers has not been successful.
(3) In fact, the real trend in the acceptance of foreign workers has moved in the opposite direction from the aforementioned government position. In Japan, the population of atypical workers such as fixed-term, part-time, temporary and contract workers is rising. These workers are subject to poorer working conditions, including wages, than so-called “regular workers,” and their unionization rate remains extremely low. Along with this stratification or polarization of the Japanese employment structure, workers of Japanese descent, illegal foreign workers, foreign trainees and student interns are being incorporated into the lower strata of the Japanese employment structure. They have begun forming a large workforce performing unskilled labour.
(4) The number of workers of Japanese descent sharply increased from 72,000 in 1990 to 234,000 in 2002.
The 1989 amendments to the Immigration Act: (i) continued to not allow any residential status that would enable foreign workers to engage in unskilled labour, (ii) strengthened the crackdown against illegal foreign workers, and (iii) newly established a ”long-term resident” status. Even before the 1989 amendments, there had been no legal restriction on work by foreigners of Japanese descent (Nikkeijin) who held Japanese citizenship, but the 1989 amendments enabled those even without Japanese citizenship to engage in work without restriction under the ”long-term resident” status. As these amendments coincided with a worsening of economic conditions in Brazil, many “migrant” Nikkeijin workers flowed into Japan.
Though no restrictions are imposed on work by Nikkeijin, in fact most engage in unskilled labour in the manufacturing sector. Further, despite having worked in Japan for many years, there are few opportunities for them to improve their careers. Also, they have formed local communities densely populated with Nikkeijin, and problems of housing, education and others, which will hang over coming generations, have emerged.
(5) The 1989 amendments aimed among other things to clamp down on illegal employment, but the number of “overstayers” is in fact rising. Many are engaged in illegal work, mostly in unskilled labour. The number of overstayers doubled from 110,000 in 1990 to 220,000 in 2002.
(6) Immediately after the 1989 amendments, the government substantially relaxed the criteria for accepting foreign “trainees,” and in 1993 the present “internship scheme” was introduced. This system permits foreign trainees to receive a maximum two-year extension of employment after a one-year training period. However, there are cases where the stated purpose of the scheme, to “contribute to international society and develop human resources,” is distorted by employers. In some instances, they use the training and internship scheme to conceal unskilled labour by foreign trainees, and there are many instances of violations of the human rights of these foreign trainees and interns by malicious training organizations and employers. |